D neighborhoods to trust others and be socially engaged in their

D neighborhoods to trust others and be socially engaged in their neighborhood. Because of its demonstrated relationship with health, I conceptually focus here on the resource of social support to which social relationships afford access. Social support refers both to the emotionally-sustaining and instrumentally-beneficial qualities of social relationships (Umberson Montez, 2010). Morenoff and Lynch (2004) argue that social support is especially important for the health low-income individuals who, in the absence of health-related resources like health insurance, educational skills, and family income, disproportionately rely on resources from their social relationships. Greater social support acts Mangafodipir (trisodium) web directly to improve physical and mental health (and indirectly as a buffer from the effects of stress) (S. Cohen, 2004; Uchino, 2006). Providing support to others gives meaning to people’s lives by allowing them to fulfill multiple social roles (Thoits, 1995) and can also engender a sense of responsibility to take care of their own health in order to fulfill their obligation to others and the community (Waite, 1995). Perhaps more intuitively, people also benefit as receivers of social support; for example, people may receive assistance from their neighbors with tangible needs, such as transportation for groceries, assistance at healthcare appointments, or help with health-related decision-making (Berkman et al., 2000; House et al., 1988).Author Manuscript Author Manuscript Author Manuscript Author ManuscriptThe Current StudyIn this study I explore how individuals in an ethnically-diverse low-income neighborhood interpret, use, and interact in neighborhood places. I then consider the potential relationships such places may have with health-related behavioral and social mechanisms. I use qualitative data to tell a detailed story of what residents say it means to live in this neighborhood by describing the ways in which three specific examples of vital places ?an ethnic grocery store, a nearby park, and neighborhood courtyards ?may facilitate beneficial behavioral and social processes that have empirically-demonstrated relationships with health (see Figure 1 for a conceptual model of the proposed relationships). The local knowledge I explore is critical for understanding how different features of neighborhoods can shape health, and can assist policy-makers in structuring place-based interventions (Corburn, 2005). In particular, I focus the analysis on the following research questions:Soc Sci Med. Author manuscript; available in PMC 2015 April 07.WaltonPage1.How do residents describe and use the places in the neighborhood they identify as important? Why and how might these be vital places for residents’ health-related behavioral and social mechanisms?Author Manuscript Author Manuscript Author Manuscript Author Manuscript2.Research Context and MethodsSetting The Bayview neighborhood sits in the heart of what was once known as “The Bush”, a ML240 site swampy area of Madison, WI, that resisted early development and was used by residents mainly as a refuse dump (Levitan, 2006). The swamp was eventually filled in the 1920s and became home to many ethnic groups, such as African Americans from the Southern U.S. and Italian immigrants. By the end of the 1950s, what was known as a flourishing ethnic community was simultaneously seen as a blighted ghetto to many outsiders and the neighborhood was razed in the spirit of urban renewal. The Bayview Townhomes were built.D neighborhoods to trust others and be socially engaged in their neighborhood. Because of its demonstrated relationship with health, I conceptually focus here on the resource of social support to which social relationships afford access. Social support refers both to the emotionally-sustaining and instrumentally-beneficial qualities of social relationships (Umberson Montez, 2010). Morenoff and Lynch (2004) argue that social support is especially important for the health low-income individuals who, in the absence of health-related resources like health insurance, educational skills, and family income, disproportionately rely on resources from their social relationships. Greater social support acts directly to improve physical and mental health (and indirectly as a buffer from the effects of stress) (S. Cohen, 2004; Uchino, 2006). Providing support to others gives meaning to people’s lives by allowing them to fulfill multiple social roles (Thoits, 1995) and can also engender a sense of responsibility to take care of their own health in order to fulfill their obligation to others and the community (Waite, 1995). Perhaps more intuitively, people also benefit as receivers of social support; for example, people may receive assistance from their neighbors with tangible needs, such as transportation for groceries, assistance at healthcare appointments, or help with health-related decision-making (Berkman et al., 2000; House et al., 1988).Author Manuscript Author Manuscript Author Manuscript Author ManuscriptThe Current StudyIn this study I explore how individuals in an ethnically-diverse low-income neighborhood interpret, use, and interact in neighborhood places. I then consider the potential relationships such places may have with health-related behavioral and social mechanisms. I use qualitative data to tell a detailed story of what residents say it means to live in this neighborhood by describing the ways in which three specific examples of vital places ?an ethnic grocery store, a nearby park, and neighborhood courtyards ?may facilitate beneficial behavioral and social processes that have empirically-demonstrated relationships with health (see Figure 1 for a conceptual model of the proposed relationships). The local knowledge I explore is critical for understanding how different features of neighborhoods can shape health, and can assist policy-makers in structuring place-based interventions (Corburn, 2005). In particular, I focus the analysis on the following research questions:Soc Sci Med. Author manuscript; available in PMC 2015 April 07.WaltonPage1.How do residents describe and use the places in the neighborhood they identify as important? Why and how might these be vital places for residents’ health-related behavioral and social mechanisms?Author Manuscript Author Manuscript Author Manuscript Author Manuscript2.Research Context and MethodsSetting The Bayview neighborhood sits in the heart of what was once known as “The Bush”, a swampy area of Madison, WI, that resisted early development and was used by residents mainly as a refuse dump (Levitan, 2006). The swamp was eventually filled in the 1920s and became home to many ethnic groups, such as African Americans from the Southern U.S. and Italian immigrants. By the end of the 1950s, what was known as a flourishing ethnic community was simultaneously seen as a blighted ghetto to many outsiders and the neighborhood was razed in the spirit of urban renewal. The Bayview Townhomes were built.